Notes
Matches 51 to 100 of 3,065
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| 51 | "Elyton (Ely's Town), Alabama, was the county seat of Jefferson County, Alabama from 1821 to 1873. It was the county's second seat, after Carrollsville (1819-1821) (now the Birmingham neighborhood of Powderly)." | Byers, Mary Jane (I1018)
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| 52 | "Erasmus and Mary Dryden were married 21 Oct. 1630 at Pilton, near Aldwinkle (Notes and Queries, 2nd ser. xii. 207). The Drydens (or Dridens), originally settled in Cumberland, had moved into Northamptonshire about the middle of the sixteenth century. Erasmus Dryden after his marriage lived at Tichmarsh, where the Pickerings had a seat." | Family F4156
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| 53 | "Esquires in Ordinary of the King's Body, often abbreviated to Esquires of the Body, became a formal position and title in the English royal household. The Liber Niger (the management manual of the English Royal Household from the reign of Edward IV through to the reign of Henry VIII) states that the Esquire of the Body should be 'attendant upon the king's person, to array and unray him, and to watch day and night' to be ready to help the King because 'no man else [is] to set hands on the king'. It was considered a great honour to be granted the position and because of the intimate and frequent access it gave to the king, it could become a position of considerable influence." | Denys, Sir William (I26094)
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| 54 | "Family tradition says that the Joel P. Dickinson cemetery was on the right side of Springfield Church Rd up toward the Greene County -- Hancock County line. The cemetery was at one time under a large oak and at the back of a field. This possible grave is under a very large oak, but there is no additional proof that this is, in fact, the Dickinson Cemetery. Further research is needed to confirm or refute that this is a cemetery, and, if it is, whether it is the Dickinson cemetery." Friends of Hancock County, Georgia Cemeteries http://www.friendsofcems.org/Hancock/default.htm | Dickinson, Joel Putnam (I0075)
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| 55 | "Filmore Leak, of Mt. Zion district, died on Tuesday and was buried yesterday afternoon at three o'clock." The Griffin Weekly News, June 22, 1888, reproduced at Fred R. Hartz and Emilie K. Hartz, Marriage and Death Notices From the Griffin (Georgia) Weekly News and The Griffin Weekly News and Sun, 1882-1896 (Vidalia, Georgia: The Gwendolyn Press), p. 131. | Leake, Millard Filmore (I0608)
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| 56 | "For Manuel, the Second Crusade was a worrisome threat. As the Frankish armies approached the empire the emperor's concerns deepened to such an extent that he decided to secure his eastern frontier by agreeing a temporary truce with Ma'sud, the Seljuq sultan in Anatolia. To the Greeks this was a logical step that allowed Manuel to focus upon the thousands of Latin troops nearing his western borders. But, when they learned of the deal, many crusaders saw it as an act of treachery." | Komnenos, Manuel I Byzantine Emperor (I19291)
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| 57 | "Fortunately Richard was in a position to compensate Guy in magnificent style. He had earlier sold Cyprus to the Templars, but they were happy to renegotiate. According to the later Old French Continuation the Templars had so far paid 40 per cent of the purchase price of 100,000 bezants and their attempt to raise the rest of the money by imposing dues of the Greek Cypriot population had provoked a rebellion. It looked as through Cyprus was going to be more trouble than it was worth. If Richard were already thinking about transferring Cyprus to Guy, this was the moment to act. (The implication of the plan for a marriage between al-Adil and Joan is that Richard must have been thinking about appropriate potential compensation for Guy for several months.) Guy reimbursed the Templars the 40,000 bezants and in return received Cyprus; perhaps he acknowledged that he owed Richard the balance of 60,000 marks. If so, both probably assumed that it was unlikely ever to be paid. In that case, from Richard's point of view, he had in effect given Cyprus to Guy. The Lusignans were to ruled Cyprus for the next 300 years, until 1489." | Lusignan, Guy I de King of Jerusalem (I14843)
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| 58 | "Fulk V, Count of Anjou from 1109, was by his first wife, Aremburga, heiress of Maine, the father of Count Geoffrey the Fair. Fulk 'led an honorable life, ruling his territory wisely.' He was 'an upright and virtuous man of orthodox faith [who] achieved a glorious and excellent reputation that was second to none.' According to William of Tyre, Fulk was 'a ruddy man, faithful and gentle, affable and kind, a powerful prince, and very successful ruling his people; an experienced warrior full of patience and wisdom in military affairs.'" | d'Anjou, Fulk V Comte d'Anjou, King of Jerusalem (I11149)
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| 59 | "Future events would demonstrate that [Nur al-Din] was wholly content to leave Antioch in the faltering grip of the Franks because, neutralized as a threat in the theatre of Levantine conflict, the Latin principality served as a useful buffer state between Aleppo and Greek Byzantium. In fact in the early years of his rule, Nur al-Din's overriding concern was the conquest of Damascus." | Poitiers, Raymond de Prince of Antioch (I19193)
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| 60 | "Gen. James (D. S.), m. Susan Hatcher or Hatchen, who died in 181 7. Issue, four children: 1 Alexander, ordinary of Dooley county, Ga. 2 James A. member of Congress from Georgia, from March, 1841, to 1843, one of the Supreme Judges of Georgia, in the State Legislature, and Speaker of the House of Representatives at the time of his death, 17th of April, 1852. 3 Mrs. Thomas M. Berrian 4 Mrs. Dr. Robins" | Meriwether, Capt. James (I23901)
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| 61 | "Gen. James' (D. S.), was a lieutenant and captain in the Virginia State and Continental lines during the whole course of the American Revolution, and was honorably discharged at its close. While in service he was known as James Meriwether, D. S. (David's son), to distinguish him from his cousin, who was James' son, and was known as James Meriwether, D. L. (Dabney's Legion). After his discharge from the army at the close of the war he moved to Georgia. He was secretary of the Executive Department, Comptroller-General, and held other offices of high trust continuously for twenty years." | Meriwether, Capt. James (I23901)
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| 62 | "Gilbert had a long history of involvement with the Templars. During the Anarchy he had donated a manor to the order at Guiting, a valuable, fertile spot between Gloucester and Oxford in the low, green Cotswold hills. When the fighting was over and Matilda's son had been crowned King Henry II, Gilbert judged his political career to be complete. In 1158 he resigned his lands to his son and joined the order. He was a high-status recruit: a noblemen, a warrior and charitable Christian prepared to abandon the comforts of life at home to lead the armies of the faithful. Two years later he was in Paris as a member of the Templar delegation that stood as guarantors of a peace between the new English king and Louis Vii of France. * * * By 1162 Gilbert had traveled to the Holy Land and taken command of the Templars at Tripoli...." | Lacy, Gilbert de (I19716)
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| 63 | "Glendower, Owen" by Thomas Frederick Tout GLENDOWER, OWEN (1359?-1416?), Welsh rebel, more accurately Owain ab Gruffydd, lord of Glyndyvrdwy or Glyndwr (Rawlinson MS. B. 464, f. 42; Owen and Blakeway, Shrewsbury, i. 181), was probably born in 1359; on 3 Sept. 1386 he was between twenty-seven and twenty-eight years old (Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, i. 254, ed. Nicolas). On his father's side he traced back his descent through the princes of Powys Vadog to Bleddyn ab Cynvyn. His father's name was Gruffydd Vychan, i.e. the Little, modernised into Vaughan (Gruffydd Llwyd in Pennant, Tour in Wales, i. 311, ed. 1778). This surname was doubtless to distinguish him from his father, Owain's grandfather, whose name was also Gruffydd, and who was the son of Madog, son of Gruffydd Vychan, son of Gruffydd of Bromfield [see Gruffydd ab Madog, d. 1269] (Bridges, Princes of South Wales, pp. 250?2). The lands of Glyndyvrdwy had long been in the family. Early in Edward II's time Gruffydd ab Madog (b. 1298) was married to Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John L'Estrange of Knockin, near Oswestry (Rot. Parl. i. 306), and the lordships and manors of Glyndyvrdwy and Sycharth were entailed on this couple and their heirs (ib. iv. 440). Glyndyvrdwy was in Edeyrnion and a part of the old shire of Merioneth. It included the valley of the Dee between Corwen and Llangollen. Sycharth, then within the Welsh marches, is now part of the parish of Llansilin, on the borders of Shropshire and the modern county of Denbigh. Owain claimed to be descended from the old line of north Welsh princes, and thence from Cadwaladr Vendigaid and the fabulous Brutus (see Owain's letter in Adam of Usk, pp. 69?71). He also claimed descent from the old houses of Deheubarth, and, through his mother Helen, from Llewelyn ab Gruffydd (Leland, Itinerary, v. 44; Pennant, i. 302; Harl. MS. 807, f. 94). It is pretty clear, however, that Llewelyn's legitimate stock died out in his daughters. Owain also possessed in South Wales the manors of Yscoed and Gwynyoneth, but his main influence was in the north. He derived a revenue of three hundred marks a year from his lands, and was thus among the few Welsh gentlemen of large estate. He had in the north two great houses, of which the chief was at Sycharth, which, by his hospitality, became known as a ?sanctuary of bards.? The poet Iolo Goch [q. v.] has left a glowing description of the splendour of this house (text and translation in Y Cymmrodor, v. 264?73; and another translation in Pennant, i. 305). It was called Saghern by the English (Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser. i. 11). Owain had another house of only less importance at Glyndyvrdwy itself (ib. i. 12). Owain had a younger brother named Tudor. It was afterwards believed that great prodigies attended Owain's birth, and contemporaries thought that he had magic help in his struggle against the English. The story, often told, that at the time of his birth the horses in his father's stables were found standing in blood, is really told of Edmund Mortimer in all the original authorities (?Annales Hen. IV? in Trokelowe, p. 349; Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii. 254; Cont. Eulogium Historiarum, iii. 398; Monk of Evesham, p. 179; Holinshed). Owain became a student of English law at Westminster, and was perhaps called to the bar (?juris apprenticius? Ann. Hen. IV, p. 333). He remained a student of ancient deeds. He subsequently became squire to the Earl of Arundel, who had large estates in North Wales and was lord of Dinas Bran, the great fortress overlooking Llangollen, not far from Owain's estates (Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 388; Capgrave, De illustribus Henricis, p. 110). In 1385 he served in the Scottish campaign of Richard II (Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, i. 254). He was summoned as a witness in the famous suit of Scrope and Grosvenor, and on 3 Sept. 1386 gave evidence at Chester in favour of Robert Grosvenor's right to wear the arms azure a bend or (ib. i. 254). Arundel was a strong partisan of the popular party, and Owain subsequently took service with Henry of Lancaster himself, afterwards Henry IV (?scutifer regi moderno,? and therefore not of Richard II, as is generally said; Ann. Hen. IV, p. 333; Walsingham, ii. 246). His connections were therefore thoroughly Lancastrian and constitutional. Yet Wales in general was strongly attached to King Richard, and when Henry IV on his accession made his son Henry prince of Wales, the French metrical chronicler prophesied that the new prince would not gain the lordship without force (Archæologia, xx. 204). Tumults became common from the time of Richard's deposition. Prince Henry's council, under Henry Percy, the famous ?Hotspur,? had little success in restoring order. One of Owain's strongest neighbours was Reginald, lord Grey of Ruthin [q. v.] with whose house the king's tenants in Glyndyvrdwy had long been in conflict. A dispute was now caused by Owain's claim to some land in Grey's possession. It is said by the continuator of the ?Eulogium Historiarum? (whose dates are often wrong) that Owain journeyed to Westminster to complain before the Hilarytide parliament in 1401 of Grey's usurpation (Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 388). But Owain was already in arms in 1400. If the story be true, it must refer to the parliament of October 1399, but there is no record of the transaction in the ?Rolls of Parliament.? The continuator tells us how the Bishop of St. Asaph, John Trevor, warned the parliament not to despise Owain. The lords replied that they did not care for the barefooted rogues, and Owain went home in a rage with his grievances unredressed. Owain soon had another complaint. Grey had neglected to deliver a writ summoning Owain to the Scottish expedition, until it was so late that obedience was impossible. Grey then denounced him before the king as a traitor for not appearing (Monk of Evesham, p. 171). Owain now plundered and burnt Grey's estates, and cruelly murdered some of Grey's household (Ann. Hen. IV, p. 333). Grey was much occupied at the time with a quarrel with Gruffydd ab Davydd ab Gruffydd, ?the strengest thief in Wales.? The revolt spread. The rumours that King Richard was still alive kindled Welsh feeling for their deposed favourite (cf. Adam of Usk, p. 54). Owain, despite his Lancastrian connections, put himself at the head of the movement, which soon developed into a Welsh national rising against Saxon tyranny. The rebels were from the first brilliantly successful. The clashing jurisdictions of the Prince of Wales and the marcher lords made united action among the English impossible. The castles were ill-equipped and undermanned, and, when not in Welsh hands, were in charge of Welsh deputies. The civil administration was almost entirely in native hands, and a large Welsh element had crept in even among the ?English towns.? Before long all North Wales was in revolt. Owain soon assumed the title of Prince of Wales, and gave himself the airs of a sovereign (Evesham, p. 171; Adam of Usk, p. 46). The Welsh scholars at Oxford and Cambridge left their books and joined in the rebellion. The Welsh labourers from England hurried off to Owain with whatever weapons they could seize (Rot. Parl. iii. 457). In Wales the farmers sold their cattle to buy arms (Ellis, 2nd ser. i. 8). Secret meetings were held everywhere, and the bards wandered about as messengers of sedition. Many castles and ?English boroughs? fell into Owain's hands. The great border stronghold of Shrewsbury, with its negligent town-guard and large Welsh population, was hardly beyond the range of danger (F?dera, viii. 160). Henry IV heard of the Welsh rising at Leicester on his way back from his expedition to Scotland. On 19 Sept. he issued from Northampton summonses to the levies of ten shires of the midlands and borders. He entered Wales a few days later, and wandered for a month throughout the north. He penetrated as far as Anglesey, where he drove out the Franciscan friars of Llanfaes, who, like their brethren in England, were keen partisans of King Richard, and therefore of Owain (Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 388, but cf. Wylie, p. 147); but as the army began to suffer from want of provisions, and Owain kept obstinately in hiding, Henry had to return to England with a few captives. On 9 Nov. he was at Westminster, where he granted all Owain's forfeited estates to his brother, John Beaufort [q. v.] earl of Somerset. Owain for some time hid himself with only seven companions (Adam of Usk, p. 46). His bard, Iolo Goch, lamented his disappearance in impassioned strains (the Welsh in Lloyd, Hist. of Powys Fadog, i. 220; English translation in Y Cymmrodor, iv. pt. ii. 230?2). But the rebels were soon as active as ever. In January parliament pressed hard for coercive laws. The king to a great extent accepted their proposals, but still aimed at conciliation, and on 10 March, at the petition of the Prince of Wales, issued a general pardon, from which Owain, himself, and the brothers Gwilym and Rhys, sons of Tudor, were the only exceptions. The commons of Carnarvon and Merioneth humbly tendered their thanks, and offered to pay the usual taxes. Yet with the return of spring the rebels were again active. Gwilym and Rhys seized Conway Castle on Good Friday, though on 28 May they had to give it up. On 30 May Percy won a battle near Cader Idris. He believed he had now subdued the three shires of Gwynedd, but, angry at being left to bear the expense, threw up his command. Before leaving Wales he entered into suspicious dealings with Owain. Owain's movements during this time are very obscure. He was plainly keeping himself in the background until his agents had got all things ready. A curious letter addressed to his partisan, Henry Don, explains clearly enough his general plan of operations (it is printed in Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury, i. 181?2). In the spring of 1401 Owain suddenly appeared in South Wales, in the ?marches of Carmarthen,? driven there perhaps by Percy's activity in Gwynedd, or perhaps by the desire of extending the rising to the south. On 26 May the king received the news that Owain had held a great assembly of rebels in that district, ?with the purpose of invading England, and of destroying our English tongue? (Ordinances of the Privy Council, ii. 55). Henry at once hurried to Worcester to prepare for a second expedition into Wales, but, finding the accounts of it exaggerated, he abandoned the invasion to attend to pressing business in London. Owain at once hurried to Powys, where on one of the first days of June he was beaten by John Charlton. But the revolt broke out in fresh districts, and Henry Percy's retirement from the post of justice of Wales was followed by new disturbances. By the autumn all Gwynedd, Ceredigion, and Powys were actively adhering to Owain, and in fresh districts the wretched English townsmen saw their houses destroyed, or lost their lives. Welshpool, the stronghold of Edward Charlton [q. v.] was the special centre of these attacks. In October the king and the Prince of Wales again hastily invaded Gwynedd, and ravaged the country for a month, proceeding first to Bangor and Carnarvon, and thence southwards through Meirionydd to Ceredigion, where the abbey of Strata Florida suffered the fate of Llanfaes (Usk, p. 67; see, however, for the chronological difficulties of this campaign, Henry IV). The best result to Henry was the temporary submission of Ceredigion, which deserted Owain on a promise of pardon from the king (Usk, p. 68). Owain again avoided a battle, but contrived to inflict no small injury on the English, and carried off the equipage of the Prince of Wales and other nobles to the recesses of Snowdon (ib. p. 67). On 2 Nov. Owain appeared with a great host before the walls of Carnarvon, but he was driven off by the garrison, and lost three hundred men. Owain now affected moderation. His personal relations with Hotspur led to a fresh negotiation between him and Hotspur's father, Northumberland. With Henry's consent a messenger was sent by Northumberland, through Sir Edmund Mortimer, Hotspur's brother-in-law, to Owain, who in reply spoke unctuously of his affection for Northumberland, with whom he would rather treat than with any other lord. He expressed his desire for peace, and his readiness to meet the English lords in the marches, but for the danger caused by the resentment of the English for his supposed vow to destroy the English tongue (Ord. of the Privy Council, ii. 59?60). The council asked the king to name negotiators, and to lay down the basis of a treaty with Owain (ib. i. 175). Meanwhile Owain was writing letters and instructing messengers to the king of Scots and the lords of Ireland. These letters, preserved by Adam of Usk (pp. 69?71), contain a strange medley of bad history and prophecy, with a very practical grasp of military conditions. He wrote in French to his ?lord and cousin? of Scotland, claiming kinship on the ground of their common descent from the mythic Brutus, and begging him to assist the fulfilment of the prophecy by a loan of heavy ?men-at-arms.? He made similar applications in Latin to his ?well-beloved cousins of Ireland.? But his messengers were captured and hanged. A knight of Cardiganshire, named Davydd ab Ievan Goch, was also sent from France to Scotland on Owain's behalf, and taken at sea by English sailors. During the winter Owain exercised jurisdiction as sovereign over the shires of Carnarvon and Merioneth (Usk, p. 69). On 30 Jan. 1402 he cruelly ravaged the lordship of Ruthin, and carried off a great spoil of cattle to Snowdon. He significantly spared the lordship of Denbigh and the other possessions of the Earl of March. A comet seemed ominous to the panic-stricken borderers (Walsingham, ii. 248). In Lent he again approached Ruthin, tempted Reginald Grey [q. v.] to a rash pursuit, and then, suddenly turning, carried off his enemy a prisoner into Snowdon (Evesham, p. 177). He now carried on his depredations more to the south, until Sir Edmund Mortimer, Hotspur's brother-in-law, and uncle to the Earl of March, gathered together against him nearly all the levies of Herefordshire, besides his Welsh tenants of Melenydd. Mortimer attacked Owain with a small following posted on a hill near Pilleth, in the modern Radnorshire, on 22 June. The Welshmen from Melenydd turned traitors and joined Owain. The Herefordshire men were defeated, with a loss variously given as two hundred in Evesham, p. 178; four hundred in ?Chron. Giles,? p. 27; more than a hundred in Walshingham, ii. 250; eleven hundred in ?Annals,? p. 341; and eight thousand in Usk, p. 75. The corpses of the slain were disgustingly mutilated by the Welshwomen (Ann. p. 341; cf. Walsingham, ii. 250). Mortimer was taken prisoner and conducted into Snowdon, but it was already rumoured that he was not an unwilling captive (Ann. u. s.), and he was treated from the first with the respect due to a possible king of England. A third royal expedition was now undertaken. Three great armies invaded Wales from different points in the early part of September; but the elaborate plan to shut up Owain from different sides proved a signal failure. Owain found new hiding-places. The hundred thousand men suffered grievously from the cold and constant storms. The English ravaged the land and took a great spoil of cattle; but within three weeks they had returned home beaten, of course by magic, and believing that Owain could make himself invisible at will. Reginald Grey had now to purchase his ransom at a ruinous cost. Edmund Mortimer about the end of November married Owain's daughter and formed an alliance with his conqueror. On 13 Dec. he was back in his own lord- ship of Melenydd, and proclaiming that Owain's object was ?if King Richard be alive to restore him to his crown, and if not that my honoured nephew (the Earl of March), who is the right heir to the crown, shall be king of England, and that the said Owain will assert his right in Wales? (Ellis, 2nd ser. i. 24?5). Owain was now closely besieging the few remaining castles which still held out for King Henry. In April and May he gathered a great host together, and boasted that he would no longer shrink from battle if the English resisted his aggressions (ib. i. 11). But already in March the Prince of Wales had been appointed his father's lieutenant in Wales and the marches (F?dera, viii. 291). About May, Prince Henry marched into the rebels' country, but was, as usual, avoided by Owain. He burnt, however, Sycharth, Owain's chief residence, and afterwards burnt Glyndyvrdwy as well, completing his destructive foray by the devastation of the whole cymmwd of Edeyrnion and parts of Powys (Ellis, 2nd ser. i. 10?13; Ordinances of the Privy Council, ii. 61?2. Mr. Wylie is plainly right in assigning Henry's report of 15 May to this year and not to 1402, as Ellis and Nicolas thought). The prince eagerly clamoured for men and money to relieve the hard-pressed garrisons of Harlech and Aberystwith (Ordinances of the Privy Council, ii. 63). Owain now turned his attention to South Wales, the marches of which had hitherto been quite free from his inroads. The defection of Edmund Mortimer was followed by the rising of the marcher lordships included in the modern Radnorshire and Breconshire. The rebels besieged Brecon, but were forced to raise the siege by the sheriff of Herefordshire on Sunday 1 July. Owain now for the first time went south of Cardiganshire. On 2 July his arrival in the vale of Towy was followed by a general rising, even in the plain country, and the siege of Dynevor Castle, near Llandilo, by the insurgents. On 3 July Owain appeared at Llandovery, captured the castle, and encamped his host there and at Llandilo for the night. Next day it was believed that he was marching towards Brecon, but he sent only a part of his forces thither, where on 7 July (Saturday) they renewed the siege. He now received oaths of fealty from all Carmarthenshire (much smaller then than the present county), from the Welsh subjects of the marcher lordships of Kidwelly, Carnwallon, and Ys Kennin. He slept on the night of the 4th at Drysllwyn between Llandilo and Carmarthen. On the 5th he was before the gates of the capital of South Wales. On Friday 6 July he took and burnt Carmarthen town, and received the submission of the castle. He next proposed to march to Kidwelly, being safe of the adhesion of the districts of Kidwelly, Gower, and Glamorgan. He sent for a seer, Hopcyn ab Thomas of Gower, to speak with him under a truce at Carmarthen, and begged for an oracle. The seer replied that Owain would be taken in a brief time between Carmarthen and Gower, under a black banner. Thus deterred by superstition from his eastward advance, Owain gladly turned westward on the news that the lord of Carew had assembled against him the Englishry of the Pembrokeshire palatinate. On Monday 9 July Owain lodged at St. Clears, a little town ten miles west of Carmarthen, with 8,240 spears, and ravaged all the surrounding country. But he still shirked a pitched battle. All Tuesday was occupied by negotiations. That night Owain slept at the little port of Laugharne, three miles south of St. Clears. But the negotiations led to nothing, and Owain resolved to retreat to the hills to the northward. He sent seven hundred men to search the ways, and on Thursday 12 July the exploring party fell in with Lord Carew's men, and were all slain. This led Owain to retire to Carmarthen. The exceptional minuteness with which the movements of Owain can be traced during these ten days is due to accidental preservation of the letters of the panic-stricken keepers of the English castles, which have been printed in Ellis's ?Original Letters,? 2nd ser. (i. 13?23) and Hingeston's ?Royal Letters? (pp. 138?152). All South Wales had now joined the north, for the storm at last broke in Morganwg and Gwent. Usk, Caerleon, and Newport fell into Owain's hands (Adam of Usk, p. 75). The Percies now suddenly broke into rebellion against Henry IV, having previously established relations with Owain (Hardyng, Chronicle, p. 353, ed. 1812). Owain must still have been in the south when they were in full march for Shrewsbury, hoping that he would join them (Ann. Hen. IV, p. 361). Many Welshmen now joined their ranks, but when, on 21 July, the battle of Shrewsbury crushed for a time the rebellion, Owain had not been able to arrive, or possibly, as one chronicler suggests, feared to put himself too much in the power of his allies (Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 396; cf. Tyler, Henry V, i. 164?9, 385?93). But after the battle he ravaged Herefordshire and Shropshire, paying scanty regard to the informal truces which the terror-stricken borderers had sought to conclude with him (Royal Letters, p. 155; Ord. of the Privy Council, ii. 77). He even crossed the Severn, and returned home to his mountains laden with booty (Adam of Usk, p. 82). About the middle of September Henry IV marched from Hereford on his fourth expedition against Owain, and reached Carmarthen on 24 Sept. He found no enemy, and all he could do was to revictual and strengthen the castles and walled towns. But it was hard to get garrisons to stay in these remote and dangerous posts (Ord. of the Privy Council, i. 287), and after the king's withdrawal things became much what they had been before, except that Owain never quite got such a hold over the south as in the summer of 1403. The king had hardly left the country when a French and Breton fleet appeared in Carmarthen Bay, and spread a new panic in Kidwelly (Royal Letters, p. 162), but they were able to effect nothing against the new strength of the castles, and marched north to Gwynedd. In January 1404 Owain began with their aid his winter attack on Carnarvon, having now ?engines, sows, and ladders of great length,? and only a garrison of twenty-eight to hold the huge fortress against him; but he failed here also, though during the spring Harlech, with its garrison reduced to five English and sixteen Welsh, agreed to surrender to him on a certain day (Ellis, 2nd ser. i. 38). Early in 1404 Owain was again in the south and captured Cardiff, the capital of the Glamorgan palatinate, burning the whole town, except the street in which his allies the Franciscans had their convent. But he seized the books and chalices which the friars had deposited for safety in the castle, and on their remonstrating replied: ?Why did you put your goods in the castle? If you had kept them at home, they would have been safe? (Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 401). The year 1404 marks the highest point of Owain's power. On 10 May, ?in the fourth year of his reign as prince,? Owain issued from Dolgelly letters patent in sovereign style, ?as prince of Wales by the Grace of God,? appointing ?Master Griffith Young, Doctor of Decretals, our chancellor,? and John Hanmer, his own brother-in-law, his special ambassadors to conclude a perpetual or temporary league with the French (F?dera, viii. 356). The death of Philip of Burgundy had just brought Louis of Orleans into power, so that the enemies of Lancaster were strongly in the ascendant. The ambassadors were splendidly entertained, the French thinking that Hanmer was Owain's brother (?Religieux de Saint-Denys,? iii. 164, in Collection des Documents Inédits). King Charles received them in person, and, learning from Hanmer that Owain loved arms above all other things, sent him a present of a gilded helmet, cuirass, and sword (Religieux de Saint-Denys; cf. Juvenal des Ursins, p. 421, in Panthéon Littéraire). Jacques de Bourbon, count of La Marche, was appointed to treat with them, and on 14 July a treaty of alliance was solemnly concluded at Paris between Charles and the envoys of the ?illustrious and most dread prince of Wales? against their common foe, ?Henry of Lancaster? (F?dera, viii. 365?8). A list of Welsh harbours was sent by Owain to aid the French in their landing, and on 12 Jan. 1405 he ratified the treaty in his castle of Aberystwith, now at last captured from the English. But the expedition sent to help him under the Count of La Marche proved a disgraceful failure. Owain had never spared churches or churchmen in his forays, and had burnt to the ground the cathedrals of St. Asaph and Bangor, and reduced to beggary the highborn nuns of Usk (Adam of Usk, p. 90). But, as a necessary result of this French alliance, he now recognised the French pope, Benedict XIII, who reigned at Avignon, hoping thus to free Wales from even ecclesiastical subjection to the schismatic English, who adhered to the Roman pontiff, and perhaps also to restore the fabled archbishopric of St. David's (Pauli, Geschichte von England, v. 33). Bishop Young of Bangor, a faithful partisan of Henry, had not dared to show his face in his diocese since the outbreak of the rebellion, and was now translated to Rochester. At Owain's request a Lewis or Llewelyn Bifort was ?provided? with Young's bishopric and apparently consecrated by the Avignon pope. The poets boasted that ?Rome is Owain's friend secure,? and that Owain is ?well begirt with arms of Rome? (Y Cymmrodor, iv. 230, vi. 99). Bifort long remained one of Owain's most trusted partisans (Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, i. 668?9). In 1404 John Trevor, bishop of St. Asaph, deserted Henry for Owain, though he had received livings in commendam to compensate for the losses he suffered from Owain's depredations. The Cistercian abbot of Strata Florida and the whole Franciscan order had long been Owain's active partisans. Crusading zeal against schismatics henceforth inflamed the patriotism of the Welsh. Owain now aspired to reign over an organised state in a regular way, with his chancellor, secretaries, notaries, envoys, letters patent and close. His great and privy seals, well and artistically wrought, are figured from a French impression in ?Archæologia,? xxv. 616?19; Tyler's ?Henry of Monmouth,? i. 251, ii. frontispiece; and the ?Archæologia Cambrensis,? new ser. ii. 121. They represent him as an old-looking man with a forked beard. Owain now summoned a Welsh parliament to Harlech or Machynlleth, consisting of ?four of the most sufficient persons of every cymmwd under his obedience? (Adam of Usk, p. 83; Adam of Usk, 2nd ser. i. 43). The English watched with much anxiety the proceedings of his parliament, though Adam of Usk made merry over its absurdity. But no record of its acts has come down to us. If there is any truth in the story of Hywel Sele (Pennant, i. 324), it shows that Owain was not without his difficulties in dealing with his disorderly subjects. So strong was Owain now, that no general expedition was attempted against him this year, though it was feared he would invade the marches (Ord. of the Privy Council, i. 223). Prince Henry defended the southern border, but Shropshire made a truce with Owain, and Edward Charlton, whose Powys tenants had mostly gone over, by similar means protected his town of Welshpool. Early in 1405 Owain's forces were more insolent and violent than ever (ib. i. 246). It seems to have been now, if ever, that Owain, Mortimer, and Northumberland signed the famous tripartite treaty for dividing England, ?to fulfil the prophecy? which gave Owain as his share all Wales and the lands west of a line drawn from the Mersey to the source of the Trent and thence to the Severn, at a point just north of Worcester, after which it followed the Severn to its mouth (Ellis, 2nd ser. i. 27?8, from Sloane MS. 1776, f. 42 b; Chron. Giles, p. 39; Hall, p. 28, whose account, followed by Shakespeare, is very inaccurate; Tyler, Henry V, i. 150). Yet in March Owain suffered two damaging defeats from Prince Henry in Gwent, in one of which his son Gruffydd was taken prisoner. Later in the year his ?chancellor? and John Hanmer were also captured (Ann. Hen. IV, p. 399; Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 402; Ord. of the Privy Council, i. 248?50). All were sent to the Tower. Archbishop Scrope's rising for a time called away King Henry, and in July the long-expected French forces landed in Milford Haven, under the Marshal de Rieux and the Lord of Hugueville (F?dera, viii. 406?7; Monstrelet, liv. i. ch. xv.). The French urged Owain to besiege Carmarthen, which soon fell for the second time into rebel hands, the defenders receiving Owain's letters patent allowing them to go wherever they liked (Ann. Hen. IV, p. 415; Wals. ii. 272). But the English ships were active, reinforcements were cut off, and before long knights and squires went back to France, leaving only light-armed troops and crossbowmen (Religieux de Saint-Denys, iii. 328). In September Henry IV was at Hereford, preparing for a fresh invasion of Wales. He prevented Lady Despenser escaping to her Glamorganshire tenantry, and perhaps joining Owain (Wals. Ypodigma Neustriæ, p. 412). He relieved the long-beleaguered castle of Coyty in Glamorgan (Cont. Eul. Hist. iii. 408). But after losing transport and treasure in sudden floods, he was forced to go back to Worcester, having accomplished nothing (Ann. Hen. IV, p. 414; Wals. ii. 271). On 14 Nov. Francis de Court, lord of the Pembroke palatinate, bought a truce from Owain for 200l. (Fenton, Pembrokeshire, App. pp. 43?4). Henry IV's worst misfortunes were now over, and Owain's influence was henceforward on the wane. In 1406 Prince Henry received power to restore rebel Welshmen to favour through fines and redemptions (F?dera, viii. 436?7). On 23 April the Welsh were severely beaten, and a son of Owain slain (Ann. Hen. IV, p. 418; Wals. ii. 273). Northumberland and Bardolf now took refuge with Owain, and fresh ships were sent from France, but only a few of them reached Wales safely. In 1407 Northumberland and Bardolf left Wales for Scotland, taking Owain's two bishops with them, their motive for leaving Wales being ?fear of King Henry? (Liber Pluscardensis, i. 348). In the same year Edward Charlton's tenants returned to the allegiance of their lord, and received charters of pardon for their defection (Montgomeryshire Collections, iv. 325?344, Powysland Club). In the summer Prince Henry captured Aberystwith, but Owain won it back by stratagem in the autumn (Wals.. ii. 277). It was soon, however, besieged again, and, Owain failing to relieve it, it surrendered to the prince on 1 Nov. (F?dera, viii. 419 (misdated), 497?9). The ruin of Owain's efforts was soon assured. In 1408 Northumberland met his final defeat, and Lewis, bishop of Bangor, who was with him, was taken prisoner (Wals. ii. 278). The south now seems to have been entirely reconquered, and Henry appointed officers in such nests of rebellion as Northern Cardiganshire (F?dera, viii. 547). Yet Owain still held out bravely in the north, and pressed the northern marchers so hard that they made private truces with him, which the king called upon them to repudiate (ib. viii. 611). In 1411 large English forces were still kept in Wales to supplement the resources of the local lords (Ord. of the Privy Council, ii. 18). But on 21 Dec. 1411 the king, at the request of parliament, issued a pardon to all his subjects except Owain and the impostor Thomas of Trumpington. Owain still, however, avoided capture. In the summer of 1412 he was again in South Wales, and David Gam [q. v.] could only be released from his clutches by a large ransom and a formal treaty (F?dera, viii. 753). But the Welsh now seldom rose in arms (Tyler, i. 243, from Pells Rolls), and none took the trouble to hunt Owain out of his lairs. The accession of Henry V was followed by the issue of a general pardon, 9 April 1413, from which Owain was no longer excepted. In June 1413 his wife, his daughter, Lady Mortimer, and other children and grandchildren fell into the king's hands (ib. i. 245). But the old hero still scorned to surrender. At last on 5 July 1415 Sir Gilbert Talbot was appointed to treat with Owain, and admit him to the king's grace and obedience (F?dera, ix. 283). On 24 Feb. 1416 Talbot had fresh powers to deal with Owain's son Maredudd (ib. ix. 330). It is clear that Owain was then still alive, but this is the last that is heard of him. The English of a later generation believed that he died of sheer starvation among the mountains (Holinshed, iii. 536; Mirrour for Magistrates). Tradition speaks of his haunting the homes of his sons-in-law at Scudamore and Monington, and being buried in Monington churchyard (Pennant, i. 368). When Henry V sailed to France it was still necessary to station large bodies of troops at Cymmer and Strata Florida. Lewis Glyn Cothi's story of the sixty-two female pensioners entertained by Owain in his old age suggests that he died in peace (Gwaith, p. 401). Owain's wife was Margaret, daughter of Sir David Hanmer of Flintshire, a justice under Richard II (Pennant, i. 307). She was, says Iolo Goch, The best of wives. Eminent woman of a knightly family, Her children come in pairs, A beautiful nest of chieftains. Owain also had a numerous illegitimate offspring, whose genealogy is given, not perhaps on much authority, in Lloyd's ?Hist. of Powys Fadog,? i. 216?17, from Harl. MS. 2299. Of his sons, one, Gruffydd, was captured by the English in 1405, and was still in prison in 1411 (Ord. of the Privy Council, i. 304; Tyler, i. 245). Another was slain in 1406. A third, Maredudd, is noted as living in 1421 (Notes and Queries, 5th ser. i. 234), but he died a few years later. One daughter (Catharine) married Edmund Mortimer, another John Hanmer, her cousin (ib. i. 234). In 1433 the direct line of Owain was represented by his daughter Alice, wife of Sir John Scudamore of Ewyas, who, in consequence of a parliamentary decision, in 1431, that Owain's attainder was not to affect his heirs to entailed lands, claimed Glyndyvrdwy and Sycharth from the Earl of Somerset, then a prisoner in France (Rot. Parl. iv. 377, 440). Another daughter, Margaret, is vaguely mentioned as wife of a Herefordshire gentleman named Monington. Lewis Glyn Cothi, a bard of the next generation, addressed poems to and wrote an elegy on another daughter, Gwenllian, wife of Philip ab Rhys of Cenarth, near St. Harmon's in the modern Radnorshire (Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi, pp. 392?6, 400?2). [The notices of Owain in the chronicles are scanty, inexact, and confusing; the most important references are in Adam of Usk, ed. Thompson; Annals of Henry IV, published with Trokelowe in the Rolls Ser.; the Monk of Evesham's Hist. Ricardi Secundi, ed. Hearne; Walsingham's Hist. Anglicana, vol. ii., and Ypodigma Neustriæ, both in Rolls Ser.; the continuation of the Eulogium Historiarum, also in Rolls Ser.; and for French relations the Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys in the Collection des Documents Inédits. More copious and clearer are the documentary authorities, of which the chief in print are Ellis's Original Letters, 2nd ser. i. 1?43; Hingeston's Royal and Historical Letters of the Reign of Henry IV, pp. 35, 69?72, 136?64; Nicolas's Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council, vols. i. ii.; Rymer's F?dera, vols. viii. ix., original edit.; and Rolls of Parliament, vol. iii. There are no Welsh chronicles, but some particulars can be gleaned from the bards, particularly Iolo Goch, Gruffydd Llwyd, and Lewis Glyn Cothi. Of modern accounts, the most lengthy from the Welsh point of view are the life in Pennant's Tour in Wales, i. 302?69 (ed. 1778), and Thomas's Memoirs of Owen Glendower. Neither is critical. Nothing practically is added to them in Morgan's Historical and Traditionary Notices of Owain Glyndwr in Archæologia Cambrensis, new ser. ii. 24?41, 113?122, or in the recently published account in Laws's Little England beyond Wales. The best modern accounts are in Pauli's Geschichte von England, vol. v.; Tyler's careful and complete Hist. of Henry V, vol. i.; and, so far as it extends, Wylie's Hist. of Henry IV, 1399?1404, which is, despite some errors in the Welsh details, by far the fullest and most satisfactory.] T. F. T. | Glyndŵr, Owain Lord of Glyndŵr (I17674)
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| 64 | "He had asked for assistance against the Turks, but he had not bargained upon he united strength of Europe gathering at his gates; he could never be sure whether these warriors aspired to Jerusalem so much as Constantinople, nor whether they would restore to his Empire any formely Byzantine territory they might take from the Turks. He offered the Crusaders provisions, subsidies, transport, military aid, and, for the leaders, handsome bribes; in return he asked that the nobles should swear allegiance to him as their feudal sovereign; any lands taken by them were to be held in fealty to him. The nobles, softened by silver, swore." | Komnenos, Alexios I Byzantine Emperor (I19336)
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| 65 | "He left on crusade in [late 1185], was taken prisoner at the battle of Hittin 4 Jul 1187, ransomed by the Templars but died in Palestine or on his way back." | Mowbray, Roger de (I12652)
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| 66 | "He married Elizabeth of Lancaster the daughter of John of Gaunt, in 1380, but the marriage was unconsummated (he was 8 and she 17 at the time of the marriage) and was annulled after she became pregnant by John Holland, whom she subsequently married." | Family F4483
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| 67 | "He married secondly, in 1582, Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander Sydenham of Luxborough co. Somerset, cousin of the aforesaid Sir John Sydenham, by Ann Sydenham sister of the said Sir John, by whom he had issue: 1, Dorothy; 2, Elizabeth; 3, Frances; 4, Eobert (afterwards Sir Eobert Poyntz son and heir); 5, Hugh; 6, Nicholas; and 7, John. Dame Elizabeth died in childbed, and was buried in St. Margaret's, Westminster, 7th December 1595." | Family F3208
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| 68 | "He was clever, well read, and possessed of exquisite taste in art and decoration, but he was wholly deficient in self-knowledge. Following the King's orders the Prince had been isolated from companions of his own age and tutored by dry old men who saw to it that his life was one long regime of worthy activities. But instead of creating a paragon of virtue, the Prince's strict and joyless upbringing had made him vain, petulant, and attention-seeking. As soon as he could he rebelled against everything he had been taught." | George IV King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (I24354)
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| 69 | "He was quiet, not particularly good looking, and not even financially secure-his father was known to have mortgaged all his estates." | Ponsonby, Frederick 3rd Earl of Bessborough (I25092)
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| 70 | "Her existence is questionable and it is possible that she was in fact the same person as Isabel née Zaïda, shown below as King Alfonso's fifth wife. The question of the separate existence of King Alfonso VI's fourth wife would be resolved if we knew there had been two different memorials to 'Queen Elisabeth' in the Royal Pantheon, but it appears that a record of these memorials no longer exists." | Family F4682
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| 71 | "Here in Mobile, hardly more than an hour's drive from the site of Fort Mims, lives the great-great-granddaughter of Red Eagle, a princess of the Royal Family of the Wind and daughter of the conquering Muscogees, who welded all tribes in this section into the far-flung Creek nation. ... Her name is Miss Eunice Weatherford. With her mother she lives in a shotgun bungalow at 1916 Old Government Street. ... In her late twenties, dark-haired, dark-eyed and fair ... she has 60 (babies) to look after. ... They are babies that were born in the charity ward of the Mobile City Hospital. An unemployed nurse, she is now employed by the Works Progress Administration." Mobile Press-Register, 17 May 1936 | Weatherford, Eunice Brown (I6207)
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| 72 | "Here lieth Sir William Huddiffeild, knight, Attorney-general to King Edward IV, and of the Council to King Henry VII, and Justice of Oyer and Determiner; which died the l0th day of March, in the year of our Lord, 1499. On whose soul Jesus have mercy, Amen. Honor Deo et Gloria" | Huddesfield of Shillingford, William (I6327)
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| 73 | "His early education was limited to the knowledge which could be gained at the public schools, then of inferior quality, but was supplemented by reading and study in later years. Brought up on his father's farm, he early acquired habits of industry, economy and temperance, which remained with him through life, and doubtless were responsible for much of the success which he attained. He devoted his life to farming, by which he acquired a handsome property, much of which was donated to benevolent objects. He united with the First church in 1816; in 1824, he was one of the founders of the church in South Amherst, contributing liberally to its support during his life, and at his death bequeathing it funds with which the parsonage now in use was purchased. He was a regular attendant at town-meetings, seldom taking part in the discussions, but when he did speak his words bore with them the weight of character and wisdom. He served the town as selectman and, in 1828, as representative to the General Court. In 1812, he received a commission as lieutenant, and went with a company raised in this part of the state to Boston, but was not called into active service. From this time he was known as 'Lieutenant' Dickinson. He was married, April 27, 1809, to Lois Dickinson of Amherst; having no children, he devoted, in later years, the income of his large property to charitable and benevolent objects. He gave generously to Amherst Academy, Amherst College and Mount Holyoke Seminary. The expenses of the 'Nineveh Gallery' at Amherst College were borne by him; in his will he provided for a perpetual scholarship at the college, which bears his name." | Dickinson, Enos (I21703)
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| 74 | "I would not marry William E. Woodruff if every hair on his head were gold and strung with pearls!" Miss Jane Georgine Woodruff, recalling her mother's early appraisal of her father. | Family F3373
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| 75 | "In 1109, says Orderic Vitalis, Elias remarried to Agnes, the daughter of William of Poitou and relict of Alfonso VI of Castile. However, it seems likely that Orderic confused two different wives of Alfonso, and that it was the latter's widow, the Frenchwoman Beatrice, known to have returned to her homeland on Alfonso's death, whom Elias married. She died the following year, however." | Family F5973
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| 76 | "In 1183 Reynald took a flotilla on a looting expedition along the eastern coast of the Red Sea and into the Hijaz- the most holy province of Arabia- inciting rumors that he intended to invade Mecca and Medina and steal the body of Muhammad. Saladin never forgave him for this insolence." | Châtillon, Renaud de Prince of Antioch (I19194)
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| 77 | "In 1399, when Bolingbroke staged his successful coup, the rightful heir to the throne of England was Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March and Ulster, a child of nearly eight. Edmund was the great-grandson of Lionel of Antwerp, Duke of Clarence, second son of Edward III." | Mortimer, Edmund 5th Earl of March, 7th Earl of Ulster (I13064)
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| 78 | "In an effort to stimulate land speculation, army doctor Josephus Murray Steiner and Elijah Sterling Clack Robertson, son of Sterling C. Robertson, devised a plan to divide Navarro County. A petition was circulated on September 19, 1852, to carve a new county from Navarro County. Things moved quickly as Governor Peter Hansbrough Bell called a special session of the legislature to deal with frontier problems; a bill to divide Navarro County was signed on February 7, 1853. * * * By 1860 [Hill County] had 3,653 inhabitants, including 650 slaves. Hill County overwhelmingly approved secession (by a vote of 376 to 63), and the county remained loyal to the South throughout the Civil War." | McClendon, Aaron C (I22583)
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| 79 | "In an effort to stimulate land speculation, army doctor Josephus Murray Steiner and Elijah Sterling Clack Robertson, son of Sterling C. Robertson, devised a plan to divide Navarro County. A petition was circulated on September 19, 1852, to carve a new county from Navarro County. Things moved quickly as Governor Peter Hansbrough Bell called a special session of the legislature to deal with frontier problems; a bill to divide Navarro County was signed on February 7, 1853. * * * By 1860 [Hill County] had 3,653 inhabitants, including 650 slaves. Hill County overwhelmingly approved secession (by a vote of 376 to 63), and the county remained loyal to the South throughout the Civil War." | Elliott, Thomas B (I22752)
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| 80 | "In January, 1781 Robert Simms was elected first sheriff by the court, and Thomas Gray, Stephen Cobb, Joseph Sanderson and Needham Whitfield were appointed inspectors of paper money." | Simms, Robert II (I0453)
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| 81 | "In June, the count of Holland met with an unfortunate accident - English involvement cannot be entirely ruled out...." | of Holland, Floris V Count of Holland (I14746)
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| 82 | "In Memory of Margaret P. Bowie, born in Abbeville S. C. the 13th of July 1777 and died in Dallas County the-th Dec. 1830. She was daughter of Gen. Andrew & Rebecca Pickins, who was Rebecca Calhoun of S.C. From the example of pious parents her mind became early with the principle of Christian religion which she adored, and zealously followed through the remainder of her life. Filled with charity and the most extended benevolence worked her path through Life, she was an affectionate wife a gentle mother and a generous friend. In none were there virtues more conspicuous. Her health had been delicate for more than 20 years and her last sufferings were greatly and she bore all With truly Christian meekness, looking forward to that crown of glory Promised to the humble followers of the Lamb, and died in the full triumph of faith, a husband and only daughter deplore their loss, and raised this final monument to her dear memory." | Pickens, Margaret (I15282)
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| 83 | "In October 1347, one of the heroes of the Crécy campaign, Sir Thomas Holland, made a starling revelation. He announced that Joan's match with the earl of Salisbury was invalid because he had in fact married her first, in May 1340 (some eight months before her marriage to the earl). The two of them had consummated the relationship and had kept their marriage secret. Holland went on to claim that later, when he was on crusade in Prussia, Joan- 'not wishing to contradict the wishes of her relatives and friend' -had been married to the earl 'by their arrangment'. Salisbury, aided and abetted by Joan's mother, refused to acknowledge Holland's claim and the following year, in 1348, appealed to the pope." | Family F3516
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| 84 | "In the 1140s the papacy and Byzantium were directly threatened by Roger's expansionist policies and therefore looked to their mutual ally, Germany, to counter the Sicilian's aggression. Conrad's decision to join the crusade threatened to disrupt this web of interdependence, exposing Rome and Constantinople to attache. Matters were complicated further by Louis Vii's relatively amiable relations with King Roger, a fact which unsettled Eugenius III and made the Greeks wary of a Sicilian-French invasion plot." | Sicily, Roger II of King of Sicily (I19400)
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| 85 | "In the last few days [following the assassination] events had moved with bewildering speed. From [king of England] Richard's point of view, the outcome of it all was that, for the first time, he had all the forces of the kingdom at his disposal. If he had wished to put Henry on the throne he would have to get rid of Conrad and placate Guy - which had happened. Either he had reacted in a remarkably sure-footed way to the twists and turns of events, or some of them had been foreseen and, at the least, contingency plans had been laid. This surely applies to the decisions to recognize Conrad as king of Jerusalem and Guy as lord of Cyprus. Not surprisingly the Old French Continuations attribute the decision to arrange this marriage to Richard than to any of those at Tyre, whether Isabella, Henry or the French, and they say he took others unawares by the speed with which he moved after Conrad's death." | Family F3037
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| 86 | "In the words of one contemporary observer, Ranulph Higden, 'this match greatly surprised many people'. It was certainly made secretly and impulsively, in the early summer, after which the Prince sent his squire, Nicholas Bond, to Avignon to obtain the necessary license for the union. A papal dispensation was needed because Edward and Joan has a common grandfather, King Edward I, and were therefore cousins, related in the second and third degree." | Family F3492
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| 87 | "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 860, which was the twelfth of King Alfred's life, | Wessex, King Æthelberht of (I20722)
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| 88 | "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 866, which was the eighteenth of King Alfred's life, Æthelred, brother of King Æthelbert, undertook the government of the West Saxon realm. The same year a great fleet of heathen came to Britain from the Danube, and wintered in the kingdom of the East Saxons, which is called in Saxon East Anglia; and there they became in the main an army of cavalry." | Wessex, King Æthelred I of (I14611)
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| 89 | "In the year of our Lord's incarnation 868, which was the twentieth of King Alfred's life, the aforesaid revered King Alfred, then occupying only the rank of viceroy (secundarii), betrothed and espoused a noble Mercian lady, daughter of Æthelred, surnamed Mucin, Ealdorman of the Gaini. The mother of this lady was named Eadburh, of the royal line of Mercia, whom I often saw with my own eyes a few years before her death. She was a venerable lady, and after the decease of her husband remained many years a chaste widow, even till her own death." | Family F2432
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| 90 | "Individuals who, the next September, purchase Menunkatuck, afterwards Guilford, enter into the following covenant: We whose names are hereunder written, intending by God's gracious permission to plant ourselves in New England, and, if it may be, in the southerly part about Quinnipiack, we do faithfully promise each to each, for ourselves and our families, and those that belong to us, that we will, the Lord assisting us, sit down and join ourselves together in one entire plantation, and to be helpful each to the other in any common work, according to every man's ability, and as need shall require; As for our gathering together in a church way, and the choice of officers and members to be joined together in that way, we do refer ourselves until such time as it shall please God to settle us in our plantation." | Dowd, Henry (I17544)
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| 91 | "It does not, of course, follow that the Angevin empire would have become a permanent or near permanent of the political map of Europe if only Richard had lived longer - outlived Philip Augustus, for example. The empire was a family firm. The interests of the family counted for more than any notion of keeping the empire intact under a single rule; a partition was always in the cards. * * * As it happened, of course, the empire weakened in 1199 and collapsed in 1203-4. This was because John's shortcomings as a ruler enabled King Philip to take advantage of the empire's old structural 'weakness', its partibility. It was not because the empire had recently been 'exhausted' by the costs and stresses of war - costs and stresses which had hit Philip's realm more than they had hit Richard's." | John I King of England (I10786)
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| 92 | "It does not, of course, follow that the Angevin empire would have become a permanent or near permanent of the political map of Europe if only Richard had lived longer - outlived Philip Augustus, for example. The empire was a family firm. The interests of the family counted for more than any notion of keeping the empire intact under a single rule; a partition was always in the cards. * * * As it happened, of course, the empire weakened in 1199 and collapsed in 1203-4. This was because John's shortcomings as a ruler enabled King Philip to take advantage of the empire's old structural 'weakness', its partibility. It was not because the empire had recently been 'exhausted' by the costs and stresses of war - costs and stresses which had hit Philip's realm more than they had hit Richard's." | Richard I King of England (I10833)
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| 93 | "It has been generally believed that [William] was first married in 1088, at age sixteen, to Ermengarde, daughter of Fulk IV of Anjou. Biographers have described Ermengarde as beautiful and well-educated, though suffering from severe mood swings. However, Ruth Harvey's 1993 critical investigation shows the assumption of William's marriage to Ermengarde to be based largely on an error in a nineteenth-century secondary source and it is highly likely that Philippa of Toulouse was William's only wife." See, "The wives of the 'first troubadour', Duke William IX of Aquitaine", Journal of Medieval History, Vol. 19, Issue 4 (1993), pp. 307-325. | Family F4876
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| 94 | "It looks as though the agreement of March 1186 had failed to establish beyond all possibility of argument whether or not the Angevins could keep the Vexin if Alice remained unmarried. Unquestionably, if either Richard or John had married her, it would have added plausibility to Philip's claim that this vital territory was his sister's marriage portion and, as such, might one day be returned to France. If, on the other hand, Henry II wished to maintain that the Vexin belonged of old to Normandy and was therefor his by hereditary right, it was safer not to confuse the issue by marrying Alice to one of his sons. Whatever the legal rights and wrongs, so long as the Angevins actually held Gisors they were negotiating from a position of strength and could reasonably hope that one day a king of France would be forced to concede their case. The fate of Alice, more than twenty-five years in the king of England's custody without ever being married, has puzzled modern historians just as much as contemporary ones. Gossip said that the Old King had seduced her and that Richard would not marry his father's mistress." | France, Alix de Countess Ponthieu (I13336)
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| 95 | "It was with Edgar that the kingdom of England was finally established; when subsequent kings wanted to affirm their right to rule they would generally cite Edgar's reign as being the time when everything worked." | Eadgar the Peaceable King of England (I11228)
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| 96 | "James M Askew dec'd in which his widow had a life Estate." William Askew, executor; Leonard Peek; Nathan Barnes; and James H Nelms, commissioners. Sales ca. March 1858 to John S. Reid (Sally and child; 136 acres); J. B. Askew (Sintira [?]); and W. P. Andrews. | Askew, James M (I0033)
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| 97 | "John chose to marry Isabella for political reasons, and those reasons had much to do with the trouble he was having in securing his hold over his inheritance and the problems he was encountering in the heartlands of his Angevin realm. The city of Angoulême was perched on a rocky spur overlooking the River Charente, which exited the Atlantic at the port of La Rochelle, crucial for John's control of Poitou. Angoulême itself was a nodal point for many roads, and as such was of great tactical importance. Bringing the count of Angoulême on his side by marrying his daughter and only surviving child, and, therefore, his heir, made good strategic sense for John, and since she came with a dowry, he stood to gain territorially before his father-in-law died, too." | Family F2961
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| 98 | "John had at least seven bastards, probably more. The mother of his daughter Joan, who married Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of Wales, was Clementia, wife of Henry Pinel. The names of other mistresses appear in the records, but none seems to have enjoyed John's attentions for long, although he was generous to them while they were in favour. The evidence suggests that he was emotionally shallow." | Family F3118
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| 99 | "Likened by one contemporary to 'Alexander, Hector and Achilles', a skilled veteran in the art of war and politics of power, James had been one of the first western knights to take the cross in November 1187." | d'Avesnes, Jacques Seigneur d'Avesnes (I19419)
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| 100 | "Major Genl. Poyntz in the army of the Parliament is well known, but most of his kinsmen were fighting for the King. Captn. Newdigate Poyntz was killed at Gainsborough; and as he had assigned his property before the Civil War began, his estate was nominal: yet a fine of £30 was imposed on his widow, who lodged this short petition: 30 Apl. 1646. The humble petition of Mary Poyntz widdowe late wife of Newdigate Poyntz deceased. Sheweth that yor petnr' husband was Captain of a troope of horse under the command of Colonel Candish in the garrison of Newark and at the Seige of Gainsborough he was slaine. The widow's case was urged by Speaker Lenthall, who wrote thus on her behalf to the Committee at Goldsmiths' Hall: 'Gentlemen, This bearer's late husband Captain Newdigate Poynes haveinge beene in armes about three yeares since, and he now being dead and she lefte with five younge children, her case hath been specially recommended to mee by her brother Major Gen1 Poynes now at ye seige at Newarke, that you and the house might be acquainted therewith, hee makeing it his request that she might receive favor for his sake; wheh I am confident ye house will doe; nevertheles she desires herewith to present herselfe and her case unto you wch I shall upon sight according to ye desire of Gen1. Poyntz acquaint you withall and the house when it shall come thither, ever resting Yor assured friend Wm. Lenthall 30 April 1646" | Family F1839
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